Back Trackin
Thru
Da Swamp
Yo.
Vietnam.
What
Up
My
Homies?
Thanks
For
The
Read
Guyz.
GOD Bless
Each
And
Every
One
Of
Ya
All.
The
Best
Of
The
Most
Beautiful
Best.
Swamp Love
Ya All.
Xin chào Việt Nam.
Thiên Chúa ban phước cho
mỗi và tất cả mọi người của Ya tất cả.
Nhờ Guys đọc.
Tonz và Tonz của đầm lầy Love Ya tất cả.
Da Swamp
On
It
Again.
Called
This
One
A
Couple
Of
Weeks
Ago.
US deploying elite force to fight ISIL
From
Our
Friends
At
Aljezeera
America.
Thanks
Guyz.
The South Side
Tuesday, April 22, 2014
Originally Composed Late Spring 2012
On
WordPress Dot Com
The
Journey
From
The
South
Side
North
Was
Always
In
Some
Way
Interesting.
Then
On
Certain
Dayz
Just
Plain
Outrageous.
Today
Was
One
Of
Those.
I
Decided
To
Cut
Over
From
44th
And
6th
West
Past
The
Pawn
Shop.
From
There
I
Proceeded
North
Behind
Food City
To
The
Neighborhood
Then
Coming
Up
Out
Of
The
Neighborhood
To
33rd
Then
Up
And
Over
To
South
6th
Avenue.
I
Was
About
Four
Blocks
Into
The
Neighborhood
Heading
North.
As
I
Approached
The
5th
Block
I
Felt
A
Vibe.
Vibes
Are
An
Integral
Part
Of
My
Life
On
A
Nano
To
Nano
Basis.
For
Vibes
Have
Been
The
Main
Ingredient
Regarding
My
Continuous
Daily
Occurrence
Of
Exhaling
CO2
On
This
Treacherous
Planet.
I
Casually
Glanced
25
Degrees
To
My
Left.
Thank
You
Vibe.
There
Stood
Over
Waist
High
Thick
And
Built
Four
Pit
Bull Dogs.
All
Bout
A
Year
Old.
These
Beasts
Were
All
Standing
Tall
Over
Waist
High.
They
Were
White
Tan
Grey
And
Mixed
With
Black
Spots.
Then
One
Was
All
White
With
A
Big
Black
Spot
Covering
His
Left
Eye.
Adding
Character
As
It
Were.
I
Proceeded
Forward
Then
Looked
Again
Left.
Seemingly
This
Team
Of
Pups
Were
Walking
My
Way.
Their
Determination
In
Their
Pursuit
To
Check
Me
Out
Was
Relentless.
Upon
Their
Approach
They
All
Took
Up
Their
Decided
Positions.
The
First
Pit
Positioned
Himself
Directly
In
Front
Of
Me.
Actually
In
My
Direct
Path.
The
Second
Pup
Positioned
Herself
On
My
Left
Flank.
The
Third
Escort
Walked
Around
Me
Taking
His
Position
To
My
Right
Flank.
Spot
Eye
Picked
Up
My
Rear
Flank.
I
Did
Not
Stop
My
Walk.
My
Escorts
Just
Calmly
Fit
Themselves
In
Cadence.
There
I
Was
As
It
Were
Walking
In
The
Middle
Of
A
South Side Hood
Street
Chaperoned
By
My
Newly
Acquired
Friends.
At
This
Point
We
Walked.
I
Talked.
Softly.
Very
Calmly.
Telling
These
Pups
How
Beautiful
They
Were
And
How
Damn
Big
They
Were.
Forget
For
A
Moment
They
Were
Very
Large
Pit Bulls.
They
Were
Absolutely
Some
Of
The
Biggest
Dogs
I
Had
Ever
Seen.
So
We
Walked
And
Talked.
After
Four
Blocks
I
Commented
To
My
Newly
Assigned
Escort
Troops
How
Big
They
Were.
That
They're
Doggie
Parents
Must
Be
Very
Large
As
Well.
I
Inquired
At
That
Point
As
To
Where
Were
Their
Momz
And
Popz.
That's
When
I
Caught
It.
On
A
Front
Lawn
Inclining
Upwards
At
About
20
Degrees
Stood
For
Sure
The
Biggest
Damn
Pit
Bull
Dog
I
Had
Ever
Seen.
Mom.
Mom
Figured
What
The
Hell.
She
Joined
In
On
This
Bazaar
March.
Mom
Took
Up
My
Right
Flank.
I
Told
Her
She
Was
Surely
Big.
I
Said
Popz
Had
To
Be
As
Big
As
Well
Or
GOD Forbid
Bigger.
Just
As
The
Period
Appeared
On
My
Vocal
Sentence
There
He
Was.
Approaching
From
The
Right.
For
Sure
Without
A
Doubt
He
Was
Big Dog.
He
Joined
The
Rag
Tag
Parade.
We
All
Walked
On
For
Another
Block
Me
And
The
Whole
Dog
Famdamily.
Out
Of
The
Wild
Blue
Big
Pup
In
Front
Hit
The
Deck
Rolled
Over
And
Started
Licking
My
Legs.
Then
Sister
And
Brothers
Joined
In
This
Street
Love
While
Momz
And
Popz
Looked
On.
After
A
Few
Minutes
Of
Love
They
All
Approached
Me
To
Receive
Some
Serious
Behind
The
Ear
Petting.
Then
Just
As
They
Approached
Me
They
All
Disbanded
And
Went
Their
Various
Ways.
Then
Exhibiting
A
Choreographed
Cheerleader
Move
They
All
Looked
Back
And
Nodded
Their
Heads
To
The
Right
As
If
Signaling
Farewell.
I
Looked
Up.
I
Muttered
To
HIM.
Uh Huh.
Walking
With
Wild
Street
Pit Bulls.
You
For
Sure
Trippin
LORD.
Then
In
A
Quick
l
Lickety
A
Strong
Desert
Breeze
Brushed
It's
Sweetness
Over
Me
Followed
By
Three
Butterflies
Passing
Directly
In
Front
Of
Me
And
Just
To
Make
Sure
HE
Was
Clear
A
Black
Bird
Descended
Before
Me
Screeching
His
"Have A Good Day Buddy".
I
Proceeded
To
32cd Street
Then
Cut
Over
To
South
6th Avenue.
As
I
Made
My
Way
North
Up
South
6th Avenue
Approaching
31st Street
I
Noticed
On
The
East Side
Corner
On
6th Avenue
And
31st street
Three
Young
Mexican
Men
16
To
18
Years Old
Standing
There
More
Like
Securing
That
Particular
Part
Of
The
Tarmac.
These
Teenagers
Were
Dressed
In
Red
Nikes.
Red
Bandanas.
Can
Ya All
Spell.
'Bloods'.
With
These
Young Men
Were
Two
Very
Beautiful
Young
Mexican Girlz.
Maybe
Sixteen
Years Old.
I
Continued
North
On
South
6th.
I
Always
Walk
Opposite
Of
The
Traffic
Flow.
As
I
Approached
30th
One
Of
these
Young ladies
Made
Her
Approach
Towards
Me.
Crossing
South
6th
To
My
Side
Of
The
Street.
As
She
Grew
Closer
To
What
I
Call
My
Meet
And
Greet
Space
I
Said;
"Yo señorita aplogize. no soy un perspectiva bueno."
For My Single Lingual Readers.
Defined:
"I Apologize. I Am Not A Good Prospect"
Young
Girl
Positioned
Herself
To
My
Right
Without
A
Word
Fell
In
Lock
Step
With
Me.
The
Time
Was
08:45.
Sunday Morning.
We
Walked
In
This
Manner
Silent
For
The
Next
Three
Blocks.
Without
Any
Props
Out
The
Wild
Blue
This
Beautiful
Young
Girl
Said
To
me;
"¿Tiene algún licor?"
For My Single Lingual Readers.
Defined:
"Do I have any liquor"?
"No, te puedo asegurar que no lo haga. ¿No es demasiado joven para beber licor. Así que es muy pronto."
For My Single Lingual Readers.
Defined:
"No, I Sure Don't.
Are You Not Too Young To Be Drinking Liquor.
As Well It Is So Very Early".
"Hace que vaya más rápido"
For my single lingual readers.
Defined:
"It Makes It Go Faster".
"Que quiere decir los hombres y todas los repeticiones?"
For my single lingual readers.
Defined:
"You Mean The Men And All The Repetition"?
"Si"
We Walked On For A Bit.
"Se puede orar por mí?"
For My Single Lingual Readers.
Defined:
"Will You Pray For Me"?
"Sí. Rezaré por usted. ¿Cómo se llama usted?"
For my single lingual readers.
Defined:
"Yes. I Will Pray For You. What Is Your Name"?
"Mi nombre es Monique."
For My Single Lingual Readers.
Defined:
"My Name Is Monique".
"Para que Monique. Que Dios los bendiga."
For My Single Lingual Readers.
Defined:
"For Sure Monique. God Bless You".
With
That
Monique
Trailed
Off
East
Across
6th Avenue.
I
Turned
Right
Off
South
6th
Avenue
West
Up
South 28th Street.
Turned
Right
Off
South
6th
Avenue
West
Up
South 28th Street.
I
Walked
Another
10
Steps
Up
South 28th.
Walked
Another
10
Steps
Up
South 28th.
My
Tears
Started
To
Hit
The
Hot
Tarmac
Like
Exploding
Mortars.
Tears
Started
To
Hit
The
Hot
Tarmac
Like
Exploding
Mortars.
I
Looked
And
Said
Through
The
Torrential
Onslaught
Of
Tears;
Looked
And
Said
Through
The
Torrential
Onslaught
Of
Tears;
"LORD GOD ALMIGHTY
Please
Oh GOD
Please Intercede
And
Find
This
Young Lady.
Save
Her
LORD.
Oh
GOD
Please Save Her".
Can't
Say
How
Long
I
Stood
There
Begging
My
LORD GOD ALMIGHTY
To
Save
This
Beautiful
Young
Girl
From
The
Spoils
Of
War.
Tears
Finding
This
Keyboard
As
I
Type.
Finding
This
Keyboard
As
I
Type.
The
Treacherous
Wicked
World
For
Now
Safely
At
Bay.
Treacherous
Wicked
World
For
Now
Safely
At
Bay.
Ryan. Out.
Tail End
The
Beautiful Women
Of
Tucson
El bario Tucson, Arizona
United States
Ukraine
France
Canada
United Kingdom
Germany
Russia
Portugal
Bulgaria
Slovakia
Japan
China
Kenya
Costa Rica
India
Belgium
Latvia
Philippines
Italy
Cuba?
Kazakhstan
Belarus
Thailand
Ireland
Mongolia
Hong Kong
Lithuania
Indonesia
Pakistan
Iraq
Malaysia
Thailand
Spain
Taiwan
Cyprus
In
Da
House
Runnin
Wild
Down
In
Da Swamp
Didn't
Yo
Mamma
Tell
Ya All
Bout
Da Swamp
1957 Chevy Nomad
Sittin
On
Chrome
Home
While In Tucson, Arizona.
There
Is
Only
One
Taxi
Company.
Da Swamps
ONLY
Choice.
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I Found The Following Article Interesting.
Source;
Realclearworld.com
A Real Newz Source
What does Vladimir Putin want in Ukraine?
Subversion from within – not attack from without – has emerged as the Russian president’s favored technique for controlling events in Ukraine
If Vladimir Putin wants to change the
world bequeathed by the West’s victory in the Cold War, then where
exactly does this mission end? Photo: AFP/Getty Images
6:20AM BST 15 Apr 2014
1036 Comments
When is an invasion not an invasion? No Russian tanks have rolled across
Ukraine’s eastern frontier and no spearhead infantry units are ravaging the
post-industrial wastes of the Donbas, yet the Kremlin has still managed to
seize de facto control over a string of towns inside its neighbour.
This shadowy operation in eastern Ukraine reveals much about the temperament
of President Vladimir Putin. Ordering a conventional military invasion – a
sort of Operation Barbarossa in reverse – would have been far too obvious
for this KGB graduate. While Nato’s high command fretted over the presence
of between 35,000 and 40,000 Russian troops on Ukraine’s border, he chose a
more subtle method of coercing his neighbour.
Subversion from within – not attack from without – has emerged as Mr Putin’s
favoured technique for controlling events in Ukraine. A full-scale invasion
may yet happen, but for now at least, the Kremlin has chosen to wage a
deniable war in the twilight.
Stage one of this operation began 10 days ago when armed men seized government
buildings in Kharkiv, Luhansk and Donetsk, the capitals of Ukraine’s three
eastern regions with large Russian minorities. Then, on Saturday and Sunday,
this campaign suddenly escalated. Within the space of 24 hours, the gunmen
occupied police stations and other official buildings in six towns across
the Donetsk region.
Their modus operandi summoned comparisons with the fate of Crimea, which fell
under de facto Russian control in a few days in February. As in Crimea, the
men in the vanguard of these assaults flew Russian flags from their
conquests. As for their aim, they demanded total autonomy for their home
regions – or straightforward union with Russia.
William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, drew an explicit parallel with Crimea
yesterday, noting how the “forces” in action in eastern Ukraine were
“behaving in exactly the same way as what turned out to be the Russian
forces in Crimea”. All this amounted to a “gross, deliberate and
premeditated violation of the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine”, Mr
Hague added.
So will eastern Ukraine go the way of Crimea and end up as another region of Russia, or is Mr Putin playing a more subtle game? No one can doubt that he has already achieved his first objective, namely to impale Ukraine’s post-revolutionary government on the horns of an impossible dilemma. If the country’s new leaders rise to this challenge and deploy their army to wrest back the occupied towns and government buildings, then Russians might well be killed – and Mr Putin would have his pretext for a full-scale invasion.
Hour after hour, Russian television pumps out propaganda about how Ukraine has fallen into civil war and the February Revolution brought “fascists” and “extremists” to power. Mr Putin would claim any bloody incident as proof of his case. If he chose to invade, he would present the onslaught as the only way of calming the chaos, hoping that we would forget his part in causing it.
If, on the other hand, Ukraine’s leaders ignore the provocation and leave towns like Slovyansk in the hands of their enemies, then the central government will steadily lose control over the east. Groups of masked men would carry out one occupation after another. The map might remain the same, but in reality, the border between Russia and Ukraine would be submerged as the Kremlin proceeded with the creeping annexation of large areas of its neighbour, building by building and town by town.
In theory, the government in Kiev has made its choice. On Sunday, Oleksandr Turchynov, the acting president, gave the armed men until yesterday to leave all public buildings or face an “anti-terrorist operation”. But the deadline attached to this threat expired with no sign of an assault, suggesting that Mr Turchynov and his colleagues are still wrestling with their dilemma.
That will not have disappointed Mr Putin. He has carefully left his adversaries with a way out: they can escape from their agonising predicament, but only by doing exactly what he tells them.
Russia has already spelt out its objectives in Ukraine: the Kremlin wants the country to have a new constitution allowing total autonomy for the eastern regions. In addition, Russia demands that this new settlement must guarantee Ukraine’s non-aligned status – in other words, rule out membership of Nato or the European Union for ever. Taken together, these diktats would guarantee that Ukraine remains firmly inside Moscow’s orbit.
With the manoeuvres of the past few days, Mr Putin hopes that he has won the leverage to bend Ukraine’s leaders to his will. “There are two possible interpretations of these events,” says Dr Alex Pravda, a Russia specialist at St Antony’s College, Oxford. “Either this is part of a long-term strategy to partition Ukraine. Or it’s a series of tactical moves designed to leverage influence over Kiev. I think it’s the latter.”
But Mr Putin is running risks. The first is that Ukraine’s leaders might choose the first horn of the dilemma and meet force with force. If they wrest back a town, killing a dozen or so Russians in the process, then Mr Putin could find himself under pressure to invade, whether that is part of his plan or not. “More than five or 10 casualties would be a very difficult situation for him to manage,” says Dr Pravda. “He’s trying to create a chaotic situation where he has managed leverage, but it’s high risk.”
Moreover, the people of eastern Ukraine might not behave in quite the way that Mr Putin hopes. If he wanted to trigger a groundswell of popular revulsion against the revolutionaries in Kiev, then it has not happened yet. Only a few hundred people have been directly involved in the occupations, supported by relatively modest crowds of demonstrators.
Unlike in Crimea, ethnic Russians are a minority in eastern Ukraine, albeit a sizeable community of 38 per cent in the Donetsk region. None the less, opinion polls suggest that support for joining Russia is a minority cause. Over 83 per cent of voters in Donetsk backed independence for Ukraine in a referendum accompanying the dissolution of the Soviet Union in December 1991. So it is far from obvious that Mr Putin is working with the grain of popular opinion. If he does invade, the inhabitants of eastern Ukraine could wage an eternal partisan war behind the lines even if he achieved a conventional military victory.
There is, however, a still more important question. What exactly are Mr Putin’s long-term goals? In his speech announcing the return of Crimea to Russia last month, he denounced the iniquities of the post-Cold War settlement, forced upon his country at its moment of maximum weakness. He promised a rapturous audience that he would reverse those injustices and restore Russian greatness.
That ambition clearly included annexing Crimea. But does it also require a forcible redrawing of the map of eastern Ukraine to incorporate more Russian-speaking regions into the mother country? And what about the Baltic states, all of them members of Nato and the EU, while also being home to significant Russian minorities?
If Mr Putin wants to change the world bequeathed by the West’s victory in the Cold War, then where exactly does this mission end?
Perhaps he is only really interested in the Slavic heartland of the old Soviet Union, namely Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Equally possible is that he does not know the answer to that question. But the fate of eastern Ukraine in the weeks ahead will help to reveal how far Mr Putin is prepared to go in his burning ambition to restore Russia’s greatness.
So will eastern Ukraine go the way of Crimea and end up as another region of Russia, or is Mr Putin playing a more subtle game? No one can doubt that he has already achieved his first objective, namely to impale Ukraine’s post-revolutionary government on the horns of an impossible dilemma. If the country’s new leaders rise to this challenge and deploy their army to wrest back the occupied towns and government buildings, then Russians might well be killed – and Mr Putin would have his pretext for a full-scale invasion.
Hour after hour, Russian television pumps out propaganda about how Ukraine has fallen into civil war and the February Revolution brought “fascists” and “extremists” to power. Mr Putin would claim any bloody incident as proof of his case. If he chose to invade, he would present the onslaught as the only way of calming the chaos, hoping that we would forget his part in causing it.
If, on the other hand, Ukraine’s leaders ignore the provocation and leave towns like Slovyansk in the hands of their enemies, then the central government will steadily lose control over the east. Groups of masked men would carry out one occupation after another. The map might remain the same, but in reality, the border between Russia and Ukraine would be submerged as the Kremlin proceeded with the creeping annexation of large areas of its neighbour, building by building and town by town.
In theory, the government in Kiev has made its choice. On Sunday, Oleksandr Turchynov, the acting president, gave the armed men until yesterday to leave all public buildings or face an “anti-terrorist operation”. But the deadline attached to this threat expired with no sign of an assault, suggesting that Mr Turchynov and his colleagues are still wrestling with their dilemma.
That will not have disappointed Mr Putin. He has carefully left his adversaries with a way out: they can escape from their agonising predicament, but only by doing exactly what he tells them.
Russia has already spelt out its objectives in Ukraine: the Kremlin wants the country to have a new constitution allowing total autonomy for the eastern regions. In addition, Russia demands that this new settlement must guarantee Ukraine’s non-aligned status – in other words, rule out membership of Nato or the European Union for ever. Taken together, these diktats would guarantee that Ukraine remains firmly inside Moscow’s orbit.
With the manoeuvres of the past few days, Mr Putin hopes that he has won the leverage to bend Ukraine’s leaders to his will. “There are two possible interpretations of these events,” says Dr Alex Pravda, a Russia specialist at St Antony’s College, Oxford. “Either this is part of a long-term strategy to partition Ukraine. Or it’s a series of tactical moves designed to leverage influence over Kiev. I think it’s the latter.”
But Mr Putin is running risks. The first is that Ukraine’s leaders might choose the first horn of the dilemma and meet force with force. If they wrest back a town, killing a dozen or so Russians in the process, then Mr Putin could find himself under pressure to invade, whether that is part of his plan or not. “More than five or 10 casualties would be a very difficult situation for him to manage,” says Dr Pravda. “He’s trying to create a chaotic situation where he has managed leverage, but it’s high risk.”
Moreover, the people of eastern Ukraine might not behave in quite the way that Mr Putin hopes. If he wanted to trigger a groundswell of popular revulsion against the revolutionaries in Kiev, then it has not happened yet. Only a few hundred people have been directly involved in the occupations, supported by relatively modest crowds of demonstrators.
Unlike in Crimea, ethnic Russians are a minority in eastern Ukraine, albeit a sizeable community of 38 per cent in the Donetsk region. None the less, opinion polls suggest that support for joining Russia is a minority cause. Over 83 per cent of voters in Donetsk backed independence for Ukraine in a referendum accompanying the dissolution of the Soviet Union in December 1991. So it is far from obvious that Mr Putin is working with the grain of popular opinion. If he does invade, the inhabitants of eastern Ukraine could wage an eternal partisan war behind the lines even if he achieved a conventional military victory.
There is, however, a still more important question. What exactly are Mr Putin’s long-term goals? In his speech announcing the return of Crimea to Russia last month, he denounced the iniquities of the post-Cold War settlement, forced upon his country at its moment of maximum weakness. He promised a rapturous audience that he would reverse those injustices and restore Russian greatness.
That ambition clearly included annexing Crimea. But does it also require a forcible redrawing of the map of eastern Ukraine to incorporate more Russian-speaking regions into the mother country? And what about the Baltic states, all of them members of Nato and the EU, while also being home to significant Russian minorities?
If Mr Putin wants to change the world bequeathed by the West’s victory in the Cold War, then where exactly does this mission end?
Perhaps he is only really interested in the Slavic heartland of the old Soviet Union, namely Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Equally possible is that he does not know the answer to that question. But the fate of eastern Ukraine in the weeks ahead will help to reveal how far Mr Putin is prepared to go in his burning ambition to restore Russia’s greatness.
